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Anglophone Literature, History, and the Demise of Empires. ASNEL Papers 19, ed. Jahrhundert, ed. Konstanze Baron und Christian Soboth Leipzig: Felix Meiner Verlag, forthcoming.

Lost at Sea: Mourning, Melancholia and Maritime Mindscapes in Early 21st-Century British and Irish Fiction, in: Narrating Loss: Representations of Mourning, Nostalgia and Melancholia in Contemporary Anglophone Fiction, ed.

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Ingo Berensmeyer and Andrew Hadfield, Christoph Lehner and Christoph Singer Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars, Jochen Mecke C. Beck, forthcoming. The Spectacle of Speech: Victorian Popular Lectures and Mass Print Culture, in: The Making of English Popular Culture, ed.

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Therefore, aside from the reigns of Nerva and Trajan, he situates libertas in the Republic and in opposition to autocratic rule.

Tacitus did recognize that libertas could be corrupted or abused as a political slogan. In a speech to the Treviri and Lingones, Cerialis says, libertas et speciosa nomina praetexuntur; nec quisquam alienum servitium et dominationem sibi concupivit, ut non eadem ista vocabula usurparet Hist.

The use of libertas for propaganda, as in the Res Gestae, often reduced it to nothing more than a hollow slogan.

Elsewhere he unmasks adulators as those who ostentatiously exercised what he calls a false version of freedom Hist.

No matter how benevolent the princeps, libertas was only a mere shadow of itself. If the Principate is a dominatio, which stands diametrically opposed to the notion of libertas, then its citizens are in a state of servitium.

Yet Tacitus does not merely record the history of a dominatio. He also is a historian of libertas. Embedded in his narrative of arbitrary rule and political domination are equally important accounts of resistance to dominatio that point the way to the restoration of libertas.

Libertas as the Freedom of Political Participation For Tacitus, libertas is not only the freedom from the arbitrary interference of a master but also freedom from the usurpation of genuine political participation by another.

A few lines later, he is more specific about the actions of Augustus, who rising up little by little drew to himself the powers of the senate, the magistrates, and the laws 1.

Augustus was a master of deception, though, for while he was looking for a successor, a support for his domination 1. Despite the attempts of the principes to arrogate as much political power for themselves, there were those that sought to maintain a broader participation in politics.

Annales So even when Tacitus does apply libertas to individuals, the usage is not limited to preserving self-respect and avoiding adulation, as Wirszubski would have it.

Klingner sought to connect libertas and virtus; Vielberg further develops this line of interpretation and argues that libertas is one point on a continuum including adulatio, patientia, obsequium, moderatio, ferocia, and contumacia, with libertas landing between moderatio and ferocia.

As argued above, individuals like Lepidus and Agricola made the free decision to serve the res publica. Similar decisions were made by other military commanders, senators, and even writers.

Tacitus highlights and praises many of these Romans: the military commanders Germanicus and Domitius Corbulo, the senators Thrasea Paetus and Helvidius Priscus, and the historian Cremutius Cordus, all of whom act in a way that restores libertas.

Of course, libertas would not need restoring if there were not forces corrupting it. Near the end of the Agricola, Tacitus writes that Domitian had silenced eloquence and the honor of political careers and sought to do the same to military glory Service to the state and the common good was hindered, however, by the fear upon which the Principate established itself as a dominatio.

Unlike his predecessors, Tacitus portrays fear as a negative force on Roman politics that was prohibitive to free political participation. Hitherto, enemies such as Carthage instilled a unifying and virtuous fear in the Romans.

Under the Principate, fear was no longer an external matter, but an internal force that corrupted the body politic. As Kapust notes, Tacitus singles out for criticism both those individuals who are overly afraid and those inspiring fear.

Throughout this study, I will return to the effects of fear on military commanders, principes, senators, and historians.

Fear typically thrives when there is an inequality of power, such as the master-slave relationship; courage has the capacity to bring the power relationship back into balance, especially when the master-slave relationship is only metaphorical.

Tacitus praises Agricola for the fact that his silence, unlike the dissimulation of Tiberius and Domitian, did not instill fear Ag.

In contrast to senators who dealt in delatio and adulatio, Helvidius Priscus was not motivated by fear Hist. When Nero decided to persecute Thrasea Paetus, Tacitus describes it as an attempt to silence virtue itself Ann.

If the servitude generated by the Principate were to be shaken off, or at least diminished, then individuals who embodied courage would be needed.

Tacitean libertas is thus the basis for a Tacitean republicanism, which conceives of a res publica where power is dispersed and citizens are free to express their opinions without fear of reprisal.

What follows is not a study of Tacitean word usage, but rather an account of how Tacitus records the ways in which libertas, dominatio, and servitium were acted out in the military, the senate, and public speech.

Tacitus demonstrates how all three of these aspects of public life were restricted and corrupted under the Principate and how individuals resisted and at times overcame this oppression to preserve the vestiges of libertas.

Corbulo is but one vivid example for Tacitus of Roman military commanders under the Principate who experienced a loss of libertas similar to political leaders in the senate and forum.

Tacitus repeatedly portrays the principes as acting for their own gain rather than for Rome; in contrast, commanders such as Agricola, Germanicus, and Corbulo are depicted as working for the greater good of Rome, often despite the interference of the princeps.

In fact, Tacitus portrays the princeps as the greatest obstacle to the success and libertas of the Roman military commander. Tacitus also records examples of successful Roman commanders who came under suspicion because of their success.

In his first published work, Tacitus makes evident the corruption of military libertas under the Principate, stating that Domitian had silenced the arts of the forum and attempted to do the same for militaris gloria Ag.

Scipio Aemilianus had much earlier associated imperium with libertas, claiming that out of personal integrity innocentia was born the public recognition dignitas of that integrity, which resulted in magistracies honores , and from them imperium, from which libertas was born Isid.

Augustus controlled the distribution of imperium, always reserving the superior command maius imperium for himself.

The result, as presented by Tacitus, was an incoherent military strategy based on the need for the princeps to maintain his power at any cost; thus, the security of the state became secondary, and the pursuit of military glory became restricted.

Although the changes instituted by Augustus and his successors might have brought greater stability to the state, Tacitus portrays the Roman general under the Principate as unduly constrained by the princeps in ways Republican generals never encountered.

He provides a prime example in the insult inflicted on Suetonius Paulinus, the legate to Britain, whom Tacitus styles a rival of Corbulo Ann.

To his credit, Nero thought it best to investigate the affairs of the province and reconcile the officials. To his discredit, as Tacitus sees it, he sent the freedman Polyclitus, who elsewhere is called one of the hated names of the past, vetera odiorum nomina Hist.

Polyclitus traveled with such an entourage that he became an onus on every province he visited Ann. When he arrived to give orders, the Britons, not yet deprived of their libertas, found it laughable that such a powerful general and army dux et exercitus tanti belli confector should obey the enslaved servitiis , an overstatement of the term libertinus Further, the entire episode is an insult to the victorious commander.

I will then turn to an example of the restoration of military libertas, the Claudian and Neronian commander Domitius Corbulo.

This is a sustained concern for Tacitus, who aims some of his harshest criticism at the corrupt distribution of military honors.

Titles of distinction, such as imperator and triumphator, which had belonged to many under the Republic, were now restricted to the imperial family.

Only the imperator-princeps could be hailed as imperator. The last general to be hailed as imperator besides the princeps was Q.

Junius Blaesus in CE 22 Ann. When the appellation was bestowed on another commander, it could be considered an act of treason and a declaration of war.

Like other honors, the salutation of imperator became overused by the principes: Augustus received twentyone salutations in forty-five years, Claudius twenty-seven salutations in less than fourteen years, and Vespasian twenty in just ten years.

Tacitus highlights another casualty of the new system: the loss of triumphal honors for victorious generals. Moreover, a triumph was no longer even a possibility, for a triumph could only be granted to a possessor of imperium or auspicia, or both, over which the princeps and his family held a monopoly Aug.

Therefore, the legates of the princeps were ineligible to receive this recognition. The process from triumphus to ornamenta triumphalia was a gradual one Dio In 19 BCE, L.

Cornelius Balbus the Younger was the last senator outside the imperial family to lead a triumphal procession through the streets of Rome.

Following Balbus, the only commanders to be awarded the triumph were the possible successors of Augustus. The princeps promptly noted the imperatorial salutations as his own eleventh and twelfth acclamations.

Plautius was awarded the last ovatio in 47 Tac. Most commonly he writes triumphalia insignia Ann. Tacitus resists using the official term ornamenta triumphalia.

Agricola is the only person Tacitus describes in all his writings as receiving ornamenta triumphalia Ag. The victory at Mons Graupius was a glorious achievement for Agricola and the imperium Romanum, ending with the circumnavigation of Britain, an act symbolizing the conquest of the island and its full incorporation into the empire Ag.

Tacitus considers these awards mere substitutes for a real triumph, quidquid pro triumpho datur. After seven successful years as legate of Britain, Agricola was recalled in 84 to what would become an early retirement.

He concludes by writing that in recent times the Germans have been triumphed over more than conquered Germ. He chooses instead to question the official account.

Unlike Agricola and most commanders, Germanicus as a member of the imperial domus did receive a triumph upon his return to Rome in CE 17 Ann.

Since Tacitus cannot carp that the princeps denied a genuine triumph, he shifts the focus from the spectacle of the triumph to the war. He suggests that the triumph was a charade because the war was prohibited before it could be completed 2.

It becomes a commonplace that triumphal insignia were granted to commanders who were prevented from concluding their campaigns.

Thus, even when a successful commander won a formal triumph, Tacitus is still critical of the princeps for meddling in the campaign.

Tacitus most likely was aware of this detail, yet he also knew that in truth Thusnelda had not been captured, but had been handed over by her own father Segestes as a hostage Ann.

As a historian, Tacitus had to choose either to narrate the events of the triumph in all their detail for the purpose of revealing it as pretense or to ignore the sham triumph, omitting these embarrassing details for the purpose of sparing Germanicus from participation in such events.

He chose the latter. Tacitus does not assail the princeps alone for the corruption of military honors; he also attacks the senate for abetting this corruption.

The senate did little to restrain the princeps and merely demonstrated its own servility in praising military victories that in reality were dubious achievements.

In CE 50, P. Ostorius was also granted triumphal insignia. Tacitus, however, points out that the war was not over and shortly afterward some cohorts were overcome, barely escaping alive This setback was followed by another rout of the Romans, who continued to suffer small defeats until Ostorius suddenly died The significance of the triumph declined.

Vetus and his colleague on the Lower Rhine, Pompeius Paulinus, were motivated to undertake public works because they hoped for greater distinction through peace, since triumphal honors had become meaningless Ann.

Tacitus, however, attempts to show that the effects were detrimental to the security of the empire. In the ensuing paragraph Thus encouraged, the Frisians migrated to the eastern bank of the Rhine and settled in fields cleared for the use of Roman soldiers.

In the end, little came of the matter and the Frisians were forced back into their old districts. Nonetheless, Tacitus uses this episode to warn of the potential dangers of the slack military discipline encouraged by the policies of the senate and principes through the corruption of military honors.

The senate came out in festive dress; women and children appeared in throngs. Some bleachers were put out in the sun along the route in the manner of a triumph Ann.

Nero, encouraged by the crowds, ascended the Capitol, completing a mockery of an honored Roman tradition. The Campaigns against Tacfarinas Though ignored by other extant historians, the war in Africa against the Numidian Tacfarinas provided Tacitus a perfect opportunity to demonstrate the corruption of military affairs under the Principate Ann.

Although other commanders had received honors for a job partially completed, P. Cornelius Dolabella, the eventual victor, concluded the war with a smaller army, captured prominent combatants, and brought about the death of the enemy commander.

Yet he was denied the triumphal insignia through the machinations of Sejanus, whose uncle, the aforementioned Q. Junius Blaesus, had also fought in Africa, though with little distinction 4.

Sejanus feared that Blaesus, the imperator 3. Tiberius had granted triumphal insignia to Blaesus as an honor to Sejanus Ann.

Dolabella brought greater stability to Africa and received the deputies from Garamantia, who were impressed with his handling of the war against Tacfarinas.

The Republican treatment of Ptolemy, however, reinforces the un-Republican treatment of Dolabella. The account of this campaign discloses something about Tacitus as a writer, for he is the only extant historian to give any attention to Tacfarinas and the war against him.

I suggest that Tacitus includes the war against Tacfarinas precisely because it enables him to highlight the corruption outlined above and to reveal how things worked under the Principate, the arcanum imperii.

Further, this revelation serves the purpose of effecting change. As Tacitus makes clear in the early chapters of the Agricola and reminds his readers in the early chapters of the Annales, the Principate operated upon secrecy and deception.

His writings hold the Principate accountable for the actions carried out by that deception. The martial virtues, however, were imperial virtues Ag.

The princeps alone could possess them, or else the one who did possess them could threaten to become princeps. The princeps had to be sure that no commander won too many victories and with them the prestige needed to challenge the princeps.

Imperial ideology dictated that the princeps, as imperator, be recognized as the supreme military commander.

This created a fundamental conflict between commander and princeps. Agricola is described as possessing prudentia Ag.

In Britain, just as in Aquitania, the more Agricola tried to avoid fama, the more it accrued to him: ne laureatis quidem gesta prosecutus est, sed ipsa dissimulatione famae famam auxit, aestimantibus quanta futuri spe tam magna tacuisset Ag.

Agricola, in contrast to the princeps, was a man who spoke what was on his mind and did not harbor ill feelings.

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